Of priority will be negotiations and work related to the Paris Rulebook via the Ad Hoc Working Group on Paris Agreement with the hope of a negotiating text to be drafted. The global consensus achieved in Paris was in part because of the ambiguous agreement text on implementation, in which the COP21 decisions mandated that certain elements be agreed upon in a Facilitative Dialogue.
As the first small island state to chair the auspicious political decision-making body on global climate change action, Fiji has employed innovative partnerships in its diplomatic endeavour. Escaping this hefty expense, it has partnered with Bonn, Germany, a city not unfamiliar to hosting such events, having hosted two previous COPs. Fiji has stated from the beginning that its presidency will be a platform to showcase the ambitions of small island states, especially those of the Pacific. It will tell a story of resilience through adaptation and mitigation leadership , but at the same time highlight vulnerability to climatic disasters such as recent Hurricanes Harvey, Irma, Jose and Maria.
A key factor which makes or breaks multilateral conferences is the capacity and diplomatic finesse of the chair. The military and humanitarian committees completed their work by 8 June. The two parties quickly reached agreement on the issues of amnesty, ceasefire, humanitarian operations, socio-economic matters, human rights, disarmament, demobilisation, and the new army. The swift agreement on an amnesty reflected the decision by the two parties to use the Abidjan Accord and Conakry Agreement as bases for negotiations, in spite of subsequent atrocities.
Both documents had granted a blanket amnesty to the RUF.
Instead of the estimated ten days, the talks dragged on for six weeks. Sporadic outbursts of fraternity and optimism could not prevent deadlocks. We used to do monster parade — loot. We also smoked marijuana and cooked for the squad. I was given cocaine on my forehead every day and asked to kill people who I thought were enemies. Cocaine was also put into our food when we cooked.
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My mother was traced and reunified with me. I now stay with her. I was going to an Arabic school before the war. I am now in class two and want to continue school until I go to college and then finally go to America. I think that if everything is put in place by government, for example, employment facilities, scholarships or free education, I think youths will have a bright future. He insisted that a condemned man could not negotiate freely and that he would only participate if Kabbah did.
https://masirf.tk This complicated the talks since it meant that decisions agreed in committees subsequently had to be scrutinised and approved by Sankoh. Both issues were not new. The RUF had floated the idea of an interim government of national unity in but the election of Kabbah and the Abidjan Peace Accord had submerged it.
From 12 June to 6 July, when these issues were decisively resolved, they taxed the energies of the negotiators, the mediators and the West African regional leaders. The RUF knew that the major obstacle to their entrenchment in Freetown had been the presence of a government with both popular and constitutional legitimacy.
These two elements gave Kabbah the continued support and sympathy of many governments in the region and beyond and led to the continued presence of the Nigerian-led ECOMOG force, which repeatedly thwarted RUF efforts to overrun and hold the capital. Even when the disloyal national army had invited the RUF to Freetown in May , it had failed to sustain the takeover.
What it could not gain through violence and terror, it now sought through aggressive negotiating tactics.
The RUF knew that if it succeeded in wrestling any major concession, either on the constitutional issue or on ECOMOG, the government's position would quickly become unsustainable. They also asked for six top diplomatic posts including ambassador to the US, deputy high commissioner to the UK, high commissioner to Nigeria, and ambassador to Liberia. Furthermore, they wanted eleven key para-statal offices, including the governorship of the Bank of Sierra Leone and the head of the Port Authority.
They also demanded one of the three resident minister posts — for the north — as well as the mayor of Freetown and head of a post-war reconstruction commission. The government delegation saw through the RUF strategy to gain control of ministries, other state institutions and the capital's administration and rejected, not only the AFRC—RUF demands, but also the very notions of a transition government and power-sharing.
The delegation cited the government's inability to create a transitional authority outside the constitutional framework and argued that 'the government itself is a creature of the constitution and derives its powers and authority only from that constitution'.
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The negotiators offered the RUF four ministerial posts two full and two deputies in a sixteen-person cabinet, suggesting that these would include justice, defence, foreign affairs or finance, and the chairs of some of the committees proposed in the draft accord. The limited concessions made by the Kabbah government showed the pressure it was under at home. Parliamentarians and some hard-liners within the cabinet, defensive of their positions and the constitution, threatened revolt and impeachment.
Fearful of losing their hard-won democratic gains, workers, human rights activists, teachers, students, women and civil groups shut down the capital in protest on 17 June Despite popular disapproval, the RUF fought tenaciously to push through its political proposals deploying adversarial negotiating tactics such as holding up negotiations, reneging on compromises, reintroducing old issues, spectacular public outbursts, threatening pullouts and shifting final authority. These methods were used effectively twice between 23 June and 5 July.
By 21 June, after a week of intense regional diplomacy, coaxing, compromising and a bit of arm-twisting, it was felt that a mutually acceptable formula had been found to break the deadlock, namely 'power-sharing within the framework of the Sierra Leone constitution'. The RUF had accepted a total of four ministerial and three deputy ministerial positions and the Nigerians had agreed to halt their troop deployment in Sierra Leone.
That may sound foreign or uncomfortable for early-career researchers, particularly those who are going into postdoc positions and may not feel that they have much leverage. But it can—and should—be done. Science Careers spoke with Weiss—a senior fellow of the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School who, among other roles, also offers negotiation trainings through his consulting company—about his suggestions for approaching negotiation.
Trust goes both ways - learn how to build and earn trust with these negotiating skills
This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity. Q: What holds early-career researchers back from negotiating, in your experience?
They tend to view power in an absolute sense. We tend not to remind ourselves of those things, to remind ourselves of our own worth. A: Most people have not thought strategically about negotiation. That approach doesn't work well because negotiation—like most things in life—requires preparation. I find that a lot of people are very unclear about that.
2. Power = information + alternatives
How would you know success if you saw it? For instance, can you ask for flexible hours or an ability to telecommute? Can you ask for more money for research? I would counsel people to think broadly about all their interests, needs, and objectives and bring those into the conversation during the salary negotiation.